First Lady Melania Trump paid homage to Gabrielle “Coco” Chanel — the fashion icon who founded her eponymous French fashion house in 1910 — as she departed the White House late Friday night alongside President Donald Trump for the G7 Summit in France.

The G7 Summit this year is being held in Biarritz, France, a resort town on the Atlantic coast with a rich history to the Chanel fashion house. In 1915, Coco Chanel opened her first atelier in Biarritz after falling in love with the region’s stylish aesthetic.

Of course, the rest is history and Chanel, today, is the most coveted luxury fashion brand in the world. It’s longtime creative director, the beloved Karl Lagerfeld, died in February.

In an homage to Coco Chanel and the founding of her couture house in Biarritz, Mrs. Trump strutted out of the White House in a black and white tweed jacket by Chanel, as well as white J Brand skinny jeans.

Mrs. Trump clutched a classic white lambskin Chanel handbag which features a silver-tone metal strap that trickled over the top of the bag. While the white version of this bag is currently unavailable, other colors and leathers are for sale for about $5,000 to $5,600.

On her feet, Mrs. Trump wears a pair of Ballala leather pointed toe ballet flats by Christian Louboutin. The flats retail for about $575.

Bon voyage!

(AP Photo/Alex Brandon)

(AP Photo/Alex Brandon)

(AP Photo/Andrew Harnik)

(ALASTAIR PIKE/AFP/Getty Images)

(AP Photo/Alex Brandon)

(AP Photo/Andrew Harnik)

(AP Photo/Alex Brandon — Edited by Breitbart News)

(AP Photo/Andrew Harnik)

(ALASTAIR PIKE/AFP/Getty Images)

John Binder is a reporter for Breitbart News. Follow him on Twitter at @JxhnBinder. 

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Wednesday is the third day of hearings for the new members of Ursula von der Leyen’s Commission in the European Parliament.

The timetable is:

9.00 a.m. to 12 p.m. — Didier Reynders, commissioner for justice (LIBE/JURI);

2.30 p.m. to 5.30 p.m. — Helena Dalli, commissioner for equality (FEMM/EMPL); Sylvie Goulard, commissioner for industrial policy and the Digital Single Market (IMCO/ITRE);

6.30 p.m. to 9.30 p.m. — Elisa Ferreira, commissioner for cohesion and reforms (REGI); Janez Lenarčič, commissioner for crisis management (DEVE).

Scroll down for updates.

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In Brussels, coffee and politics are two sides of the same coin. Lots of meetings, dreary office buildings and gray skies mean regular caffeine hits are essential in Europe’s de facto capital.

However, don’t assume you’ll find good coffee everywhere. The complacent coffee hunter is likely to stumble across burnt beans and UHT milk. But fear not, POLITICO has been on a mission to find the best of Brussels’ relatively recent coffee boom.

We’ve teamed up with some of the city’s movers and shakers for their takes. Whether you’re getting a morning jolt or doing a deal, this is the guide you need to the good cafés of Brussels.

The map below shows our favorites in red and our shoutouts in gray. Use the icon on the right to open the map in Google Maps.

THE EU QUARTER

Caffè Vergnano — Rond-Point Robert Schuman 7

Is it called Caffè Vergnano? Coffee Shop 1882? Or some combination of the two? No one’s really sure, not even the staff, but that doesn’t stop it serving as a kind of town hall of Brussels coffee houses. Situated opposite the Commission’s Berlaymont building, and adjacent to the Council’s Justus Lipsius, Vergnano has no shortage of regulars, including Lina Aburous, managing director of Euraffex (a communications firm) and an EU Confidential podcast panelist.

Aburous calls in every morning for a cappuccino. “The quality of the coffee and the atmosphere” make it a favorite of hers. 

Originally from Jordan, Aburous said she found Brussels’ café culture confusing when she arrived in the city after a stint working in Barcelona. “Do they work,” she wondered, “or do they just keep drinking coffee in this city?” After a while she said she realized “that every single thing happens over coffee in Brussels.”

Often, she says, people want to escape their offices. For civil servants, “it’s a break for them to get out of their offices. Really, their offices are ugly. That’s why they want to meet you outside!”

The coffee: Decent. Plenty of tea alternatives available.

The crowd: Commission staffers, British diplomats and at lunchtime, a serious chunk of the European External Action Service. 

The space: An L-shaped indoor space with tables that seem to almost spill onto the pavement outside, creating a courtyard vibe next to the Schuman roundabout.

Perfect for: Work-related eavesdropping, if you can hear over the coffee machine. 

Watch out for: Divulging sensitive information: The hustle and bustle might protect you, but you can be sure someone is listening in. 

☕☕☕

Domenica — Rue de Trèves 32

POLITICO planned to meet Brando Benifei, leader of Italy’s Democratic Party delegation in the European Parliament, in the Parliament’s MEP bar. But with the temperature soaring close to 40 degrees, staff at the Astrid Lulling lounge (as the MEP bar is formally known) had packed up for the day. 

Instead, Benifei, who at 33 is the youngest head of a parliamentary delegation, suggested Domenica, his favorite “outside” spot.

“The simple espresso, it’s very good,” said Benifei. “I come here almost every day for at least a coffee,” he added. Proof? Light coffee stains on his white shirt sleeves. 

Domenica’s trademark is its “constant presence” of Italians, according to Benifei. “I always hear interesting things while sipping a coffee here because it’s small, as you see, and everyone speaks loudly.” 

Homemade pasta appears at a neighboring table. “The food is real, genuine Italian food, not Italian food only in name,” said Benifei, and the salads are healthy but tasty, “not like diet-obsessed people’s salads.”

The coffee: The flat white is merely OK. Espresso really is the signature drink here.

The crowd: Italians from all corners of the EU. 5Star MEPs are regulars.

The space: Small and bustling, with a communal indoor bench. 

Perfect for: Networking with Italians during the day (an activity that transitions to Cafe Italiano, Rue d’Arlon 27, in the evening).

Watch out for: A closed sign until 11 a.m. 

☕☕☕

Caffelatte Espressobar — Rue de Commerce 19

Helen Stylianou, Australia’s deputy ambassador to Belgium and Luxembourg and also deputy head of mission to the EU and NATO, visits Caffelatte up to three times a day.

“The primary reason is the coffee is of an excellent quality,” she says as we wait for flat whites. But she loves the atmosphere too. Francesco and Alex, the Italian brothers who run Caffelatte, “switch between French, Italian and English. Watching them work behind the coffee bar is great fun,” Stylianou said, stopping to point out a coffee order on its way to a nearby table. “I don’t know what they’ve ordered, but it’s beautiful.” 

The coffee: Among the best in Brussels. You can get it hot and cold, as well as other options such as matcha latte.

The crowd: Consultants, European People’s Party staff (the HQ is across the road), Australians and Canadians.

The space: Medium-sized interior plus outdoor tables, but it gets very busy at times. Free water tucked around to the right of the bar is a plus.

Perfect for: A mood-booster; listening to the multilingual staff.

Watch out for: Sizes — be specific about what you want.

☕☕☕

Starbucks — Schuman metro station

Aura Salla, foreign policy adviser at the Commission’s Political Strategy Centre, has knowingly opened herself up to serious coffee-snob criticism by going on-record as a fan of the American coffee chain. 

Luckily for Salla, it was so dark in Starbucks during her POLITICO coffee date that no passing hipster spotted her. 

“My friends love to meet in these hipster cafés,” she said, “it’s beautiful and you can take your Instagram. You can’t do that in Starbucks.”

“I love my big coffee, you know, the feeling in the morning when you have your big coffee. You feel safe.”

The coffee: Nothing to write home about, but not Brussels’ worst. Stick to the basic American-style filter coffee, or save for an emergency caffeine hit.

The crowd: With dungeon lighting it’s hard to tell, but most appear to be Commission staffers and visitors. 

The space: Doomsday bunker-chic, with lots of seating. 

Perfect for: Large, American beverages. Convenient if you get the metro and you work at the Commission.

Watch out for: Your vitamin D levels.

☕☕☕

OR — Place Jourdan 13a 

Catherine Bray stops at OR in Place Jourdan every morning before she heads to the U.K. permanent representation, where she heads up the “Wider World” team in the foreign policy unit. That’s quite a job title. “The portfolio is quite large!” she said. 

Of OR, she added, “It’s got quite a nice vibe to it … And it’s not too hipster-y for me [though compared to Starbucks, it’s man-bun central]. I like places that are a bit edgy but aren’t trying too hard … and that give you a bit of chocolate on the side.” 

The coffee: Good, but not as good as the Bourse branch. Also, the homemade lemonades are ideal for washing down the takeaway fries at Maison Antoine.

The crowd: EU bubble people trying to escape conferences and events in the Borschette building opposite. 

The space: Huge, loft apartment-style café with exposed brick and concrete walls. Lots of space between tables for discreet conversation. So big you can sit for hours without being bothered by staff.

Perfect for: Relaxing or working over coffee.

Watch out for: Service can be slow.

☕☕☕

Karsmakers Coffee House — Rue de Trèves 20

Ailbhe Finn, senior advocacy adviser at Save the Children (and regular EU Confidential podcast panelist), joined POLITICO in Karsmakers’ courtyard. 

“It’s a good spot. I like a central tree that provides shade,” Finn said. “You can sit indoors, outdoors and the coffee’s good.”

For Finn, visiting Karsmakers was an early Brussels habit. “I remember coming here my first week … when I had my first real job in Brussels. It has some nice memories for me.”

The coffee: A step up from most of what’s around Place Luxembourg and in the Parliament itself.

The crowd: MEPs, European Parliament staff and lobbyists.

The space: Big back terrace, but chunky, cheap-looking sofas that waste a lot of the interior space. 

Perfect for: Quick service, and avoiding the security procedures if you need to meet a Parliament person.

Watch out for: Individual customers hogging whole sofas with their bags and luggage.

OUTSIDE THE BUBBLE

La Petite Production — Rue du Couloir 5

The coffee: Really good, including latte-art. And if filter coffee’s your thing, they serve it here.

The crowd: Birkenstock-wearers and young families. Suits and laptops are scarce.

The space: Relatively big, but be prepared to line up for a table on weekends. 

Perfect for: Switching off.

Watch out for: Patchy service when it’s busy.

☕☕☕

OR — Rue A. Ortsstraat 9 

The coffee: The baristas recommend you try without milk — and they’re right.

The crowd: Depends on the time of day. A mix of locals, tourists and Brussels passersby in the city center.

The space: A little cramped given how popular it is. Mezzanine floor, and outdoor tables and benches if you want more peace and quiet.

Perfect for: A morning takeaway coffee on the way to work.

Watch out for: The sugar dispensers are overfilled, making it difficult to serve yourself.

☕☕☕

Parlor Coffee — Chaussée de Charleroi 203

The coffee: The café that set Brussels on a better coffee course. Come here for smooth lattes and flat whites.

The crowd: EU bubble and local liberal professionals.

The space: A narrow café with a mezzanine floor.

Perfect for: A weekend brunch where good coffee matters.

Watch out for: Closed at random times and for long holiday periods. Check their Facebook page if in doubt.

☕☕☕

MOK — Rue Antoine Dansaert 196

The coffee: All-round excellent.

The crowd: Flemish hipsters and tourists who’ve read about it or dropped in from the nearby Belvue Hotel.

The space: White minimalist with lots of plants.

Perfect for: Vegan food to accompany your coffee available with oat, almond, soy, cow, or any other type of milk you can think of.

Watch out for: Card payment only.

☕☕☕

My Little Cup — Rue de la Croix de Fer 53

The coffee: Good and strong. 

The crowd: Flemish politicos (the Belgian parliament is next door).

The space: A tiny indoor space, that thankfully now has outdoor tables.

Perfect for: Escaping the EU bubble at walking distance.

Watch out for: Having nowhere to sit inside during winter.

SHOUTOUTS

Living Room — Place Jean Rey 8
Why go? It’s a furniture and homewares store as well as a café.

Corica — Rue Caroly 39
Why go? The smell alone. Over 20 different types of coffee available. 

Cafe Capitale — Rue du Midi 45 and Rue Ernest Allard 41
Why go? Long opening hours and comfy chairs to add to the good coffee.

Elvis — Rue de la Science 14
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Why go? It’s a fun space with great juice and smoothie options.

Cherry — Chaussée d’Etterbeek 66
Why go? The best iced coffee and affogato.

The Office — Rue d’Arlon 80
Why go? A full breakfast and lunch menu. The coffee is the sideline.

FIKA — Rue de la Paix 17
Why go? It’s a great midway point if you’re walking to the EU quarter from Ixelles or Saint Gilles, or a nice way to finish a lunch at Place Saint Boniface.

Moka — Rue des Riches Claires 5
Why go? Cute hole-in-wall place with great cake.

Jean-Claude Juncker’s tenure as European Commission president will end with an unchecked resurgence of measles — despite his unusual intervention on a health-related matter.

On Thursday, Juncker blamed “stupid mistrust” of vaccines, in part, for deaths from preventable diseases in Europe. People who decline immunizations are “playing with fire,” he warned.

As that fire spreads across Europe, Juncker’s ambition to boost vaccine coverage is running up against the same restrictions on the EU’s role in health that have stymied so many other efforts by the bloc.

Two years after he called it “unacceptable” that children in Europe are still dying of diseases that should have been eradicated, the spread of measles shows few signs of letting up. Last month, three EU countries — Greece, the U.K. and the Czech Republic — lost their measles-free status, while only one, Austria, attained it.

Meanwhile, epidemics are still raging in France, Poland, Italy and Romania, and the numbers are grim. As of June, the EU28 already racked up 10,056 reported measles cases in 2019, according to figures from the European Centre for Disease Prevention and Control (ECDC). That puts it on a similar trajectory to 2018, when there were 12,586 total cases (there are usually fewer cases in the second half of the year).

Despite those numbers, public health experts give Juncker credit for forcing capitals to discuss a topic they’d long resisted, drawing on a keen sense of timing. This may be only baby steps at best, but Juncker may have laid the groundwork for Europe’s global leadership in the fight against vaccine hesitancy, say some health experts.

Juncker deserves credit for his “passion” about the issue, according to World Health Organization Director General Tedros Adhanom Ghebreyesus. He and Junker held a late fall powwow in 2018 when they decided to hold a high-level vaccines summit in Brussels this year.

“He was so worried because the headline of our meeting at that time was: Children are dying in Europe because of preventable diseases,” Tedros said.

On Thursday, Juncker spoke at that global gathering, which included Tedros, the U.S. surgeon general and a global cast of experts and policymakers. “Given the huge challenge ahead of us, no single country and no single organization can achieve success,” Juncker told the audience.

Surprise priority

Health-sector lobbyists in Brussels were shocked when they heard Juncker mention vaccines in his 2017 State of the EU address. This was, after all, a man who just six months earlier had floated the possibility of doing even less on health as part of post-Brexit EU reform.

But in that speech, he cast the issue as a matter of equality, arguing there “can be no second-class citizens.”

“Children in Romania or Italy must have the same access to measles vaccines as children in other European countries,” he added. “No ifs, no buts.”

The timing was key. Initially, first reports of outbreaks came from Romania — a country with a notoriously poor health system dealing with a mixture of shortages and vaccine hesitancy. But suddenly, they were starting to make headlines around the bloc, as they spread to Italy and elsewhere. In April 2017, an unvaccinated Portuguese teenager died of measles. And over that summer, health ministers’ plans to impose  requirements that kids receive 10 or more vaccines fired up political debates in France and Italy.

In his 2017 address, Juncker pledged that the Commission was “working with all member states to support national vaccination efforts.”

That hadn’t really been the case up to that point. The Commission participated in discussions on matters such as cross-border health threats, but countries shut down any discussion on proposals like aligning vaccine schedules or building comparable registries.

Experts increasingly call for such changes. An ECDC survey cited in a 2018 report found that out of 16 countries, only 10 had immunization information systems that could be used to record why people were declining vaccines. Without this information, fighting hesitancy is shooting in the dark.

But Juncker soon found he couldn’t push EU countries much further. National governments ultimately watered down already modest Commission proposals for moving toward a common vaccine schedule or creating an EU vaccine ID card to list people’s record of jabs.

Those results were “really disappointing,” said Fiona Godfrey, secretary-general of the European Public Health Alliance. “With the lack of support from member states, there’s not a lot more [the Commission] can do.”

More recently, however, the year-old European Joint Action on Vaccination, run by the Commission and the French government, is seeing some room for compromise. Countries are working on developing a standard protocol for responding to an outbreak alert from another country, said coordinator Geneviève Chêne of France’s National Institute of Health and Medical Research.

States are also inching toward working together on developing vaccine schedule. In echoes of the debate over EU-level health technology assessment, it seems capitals would be open to working together on considering the science of vaccine timing, as long as they can still make their own decisions about when shots should actually be administered.

Soft power player

This week’s summit was exuberant by the standards of a Commission “stakeholders” gathering. U.S. Surgeon General Jerome Adams made a selfie-video of the auditorium affirming the hashtag “vaccines work.” Yvonne Chaka Chaka, a South African music icon, belted out a melodic moral gut-check. And 18-year-old American activist Ethan Lindenberger played out the ultimate teenage rebellion, decrying his mother’s anti-vax views on the world stage.

The WHO and the Commission plan to make the summit a regular affair.

The showy summits with broad focus leave the effort vulnerable to charges that it’s all talk and no action. But at this stage, the talk is important, said Ber Oomen, executive director of the European Specialist Nurses Association (ESNO).

“It will be very important to see this kind of overall solidarity … so there’s not one organization that says, ‘I represent 5 zillion health care organizations, and I will be the one who solved this problem,’” Oomen said.

Given that the Commission’s latest vaccines effort leans heavily on health professionals to restore trust, it’s helping groups like ESNO get an audience with national authorities. The big question remains whether they’ll pay attention.

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“Now it’s for the member states to continue this exercise,” said Magdalena de Azero, executive director of the pharma-backed coalition Vaccines Europe. “This is the only way to move the needle.”

Jillian Deutsch and Carmen Paun contributed reporting.

CORRECTION: This article was corrected to clarify that the trajectory of measles cases in 2019 is similar to 2018.

This article is part of POLITICO’s premium policy service: Pro Health Care. From drug pricing, EMA, vaccines, pharma and more, our specialized journalists keep you on top of the topics driving the health care policy agenda. Email [email protected] for a complimentary trial.

For all the talk of the European Union taming Silicon Valley’s tech giants, Facebook is still running wild across the Continent ahead of this week’s European Parliament election.

European voters are under assault from disinformation unleashed on Facebook and Messenger, as well as other parts of the media giant’s empire, such as WhatsApp and Instagram.

In a report released this week, the online activist network Avaaz found that Facebook continues to allow far-right and anti-EU groups to spread false or purposefully misleading information on the platform. Independent fact-checkers reviewed thousands of public pages, groups and websites identified as spreading disinformation or content that is hateful or inciting violence, uncovering the systemic use of fake accounts.

In Germany, fake accounts amplified the message of far-right party Alternative for Germany, while in France they spread white supremacist content. Dozens of pages created in Italy attracted followers with generic issues before morphing into pages that share fake-news and messages of support for the far-right League party or the anti-establishment 5Stars.

After running its own independent investigation, Facebook took down an unprecedented number of the pages and groups reported by Avaaz. Combined, the pages it took down had 5.9 million followers — almost three times more followers than the record-performing pages of Europe’s main far-right and anti-EU parties. Italy’s League, Germany’s AfD, Spain’s Vox, Britain’s Brexit Party, France’s National Rally and Poland’s Law and Justice party have 2 million followers between them.

Facebook’s response is praiseworthy, but it comes too late. Millions of Europeans have already been exposed to malicious content, lies and hate. It also fails to address the main problem.

The prominence of disinformation in the pre-election debate — which in many places has drowned out the messages of mainstream parties — was made worse by new political advertising policies Facebook put in place after revelations of abuse ahead of the 2016 Brexit referendum.

Under the new rules, an ad buyer can only pay for political content in the country in which they are based. The result? EU political parties, institutions and civil society groups have largely found themselves barred from using Facebook and other apps for EU-wide communication campaigns.

It’s a major oversight on Facebook’s part. By confining political messaging to national borders, the social network has prevented mainstream parties and pro-EU organizations from mobilizing citizens and countering malicious disinformation efforts.

Facebook has invested a lot of energy in claims that it does not take sides and is inherently “neutral.” But the company’s self-imposed political advertising rules are far from politically neutral. It has systematically refused to investigate and act on content from “specific” actors, for example, despite the well-established fact that the most problematic content comes from an identifiable community.

By insisting it is “neutral,” Facebook is creating false equivalences between dangerous ultra-nationalist, right-wing propaganda and mainstream political messaging. This provides an indirect advantage to the political preferences of extreme actors.

Indeed, Facebook’s ubiquitous pay-as-you-go business model — which rewards views over veracity — favors extreme political messages over others. As a result, these malicious postings continue to be perceived as more widespread than what they actually are.

It should not come as a surprise, then, that ultra-right parties, whose extraordinary social media fluency and outreach unite them across the Continent, are among the few remaining defenders of Facebook’s interests.

Too often, the EU has shown itself to be ambivalent and even complicit to Facebook’s activity.

The EU failed to craft a dedicated regulatory framework that would govern access to the platform’s digital advertising ecosystem and has essentially outsourced the task to Facebook itself, via the Code of Practice on Disinformation.

After receiving several complaints, the European Commission concluded that EU institutions are heavily reliant on Facebook to reach Europe’s citizens. The institution did eventually get the company to grant the EU institutions an exemption from the political advertising rules until the day after the election, but pan-European parties and civil society organizations are still banned from cross-border online campaigning.

After the polls are closed and the contest has been decided, the next battle must be against Facebook’s insidious effects on European democracy. Expect the fight to be a heated one — as the populists who benefit from the company’s policies fiercely oppose any attempt to regulate them.

Europe’s future and Facebook’s have never been so interdependent. It’s a deadly grip, and at the moment, it looks like only one of the two will be able to escape it alive.

Alberto Alemanno is Jean Monnet professor of EU law at HEC Paris and founder of The Good Lobby, a campaigning group that was barred from running political ads across the EU on Facebook ahead of the European Parliament election.

En pleine promo de son nouveau film La French, Jean Dujardin a déjà le regard tourné vers l’avenir. L’acteur aimerait bien retrouver deux rôles qui l’ont rendu célèbre: Brice de Nice et OSS 117.

Souvenez-vous, le costume trois pièces d’OSS 117 et son humour douteux, le maillot de bain et le concours de «casse» du surfeur Brice de Nice. Ces deux personnages cultes pourraient bien vivre de nouvelles aventures sur grand écran. C’est en tout cas le souhait de Jean Dujardin, qui aimerait tourner des suites à ces films qui lui ont permis de faire oublier le Loulou d’Un gars, une fille et de devenir l’un des acteurs les plus populaires en France et le premier Français à recevoir l’Oscar de meilleur acteur aux Etats-Unis.

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Interviewé par Allociné à l’occasion de la sortie de La French, un polar dont il partage l’affiche avec Gilles Lellouche, Jean Dujardin a en effet confié: «Après avoir tourné La French, j’ai des envies de comédie. J’ai toujours alterné». Pour OSS 117, il y retourne sans hésiter, mais pose juste une condition. «On me dit OSS 3, je dis demain! Mais ça ne dépend pas que de moi ça dépend de Michel Hazanavicius, je ne conçois pas de faire le trois sans lui. Allez lui demander! Moi je suis prêt à le faire demain. Ça m’éclate!» lance-t-il avant d’ajouter: «J’adorerais repartir là-dessus».

En ce qui concerne Brice de Nice, là, cela ne dépend que de lui. Et le projet est bien parti puisque Jean Dujardin a commencé à l’écrire. «J’ai des envies de Brice de Nice aussi. Je repars sur Brice parce qu’a priori je n’ai aucune raison de le faire, donc je vais le faire» explique-il avec humour. «Ce sera Brice 3, je casse le 2» s’est amusé Jean Dujardin. Le cinéma hexagonal ne peut que s’en réjouir, puisque les deux premiers OSS 117 et Brice de Nice ont connu le succès en salles. Mais la tâche est rude pour Jean Dujardin s’il ne veut pas être victime de «double casse».

Crédits photos : ADMEDIA/SIPA

Selon les informations de nos confrères d’Ici Paris, Marie Drucker et son compagnon Mathias Vicherat s’apprêtent à être parents au printemps.

Alors qu’elle s’apprête à fêter ses 40 ans (elle est née le 3 décembre 1974), Marie Drucker attend un heureux événement comme nous l’apprend le magazine Ici Paris dans son dernier numéro. “La nièce de Michel connaitra les joies de pouponner au printemps prochain, indiquent nos confrères. Les deux tourtereaux ont emménagé ensemble dans le très chic 8e arrondissement de Paris à la fin de l’été…“ Le papa du futur enfant de la journaliste de France 2 est Mathias Vicherat (actuel directeur de cabinet d’Anne Hidalgo à la mairie de Paris) et possède déjà un beau CV. «Diplômé de l’Institut d’études politiques de Paris, ancien élève de l’ENA, Mathias Vicherat a été directeur de cabinet du préfet de la Région Picardie et sous-préfet de Bobigny de 2005 à 2008, relate le site Paristribuneinfo. Lors de la crise des banlieues de novembre 2005, il entame le dialogue avec des jeunes et des familles sur l’égalité des droits et la justice sociale, montrant que l’Etat peut être présent et à l’écoute sur des dossiers sensibles. En septembre 2008, il rencontre les roms-bulgares hébergés dans un foyer afin de faire avancer leur situation grâce à un dossier complexe tripartite réunissant la mairie, l’Etat et le conseil général pour la mise en place d’un programme de maîtrise d’oeuvre urbaine et sociale (MOUS). Il est nommé le 6 septembre 2010 directeur adjoint au cabinet du Maire de Paris Bertrand Delanoë avant de devenir son directeur de cabinet (2012–2014).» Précisons par ailleurs que Mathias Vicherat est un ami proche de l’un des ministres les plus en vue du gouvernement Emmanuel Macron et qu’il a également déjà publié un livre intitulé Pour une analyse textuelle du rap français.

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Il y a un an dans une interview accordée au magazine Psychologies, Marie Drucker se confiait sur le fait qu’elle n’ait pas encore goûté aux joies de la maternité. «Je suis affreusement choquée par le fait que, aujourd’hui, si vous avez plus de 35 ans et pas d’enfants, on vous demande de vous expliquer, expliquait-elle. C’est indigne de notre époque et de la condition de la femme. (…) Mais surtout, déculpabilisons les femmes qui prennent leur temps ! Elles sont déjà assez exemplaires, non ? Mener de front une vie professionnelle, une vie de femme et, en plus, une vie de mère… On ne peut pas tout réussir parfaitement tout le temps !” Marie et son compagnon ont pourtant visiblement réussi!

En 2012, Benjamin Castaldi a été victime d’une escroquerie qui lui a coûté toutes ses économies. Aujourd’hui, il en parle librement et contre-attaque. Il demande six millions d’euros de dommages et intérêts aux responsables.

Ce n’est pas la première personnalité à avoir été victime d’une escroquerie, mais Benjamin Castaldi en parle aujourd’hui librement. L’animateur est tombé dans un piège dont le mécanisme s’apparente au système Madoff. Benjamin Castaldi n’a rien vu venir. «J’ai été tout bonnement escroqué, explique-t-il dans Le Dauphiné libéré. J’ai été naïf, je ne me suis pas assez occupé de ça. Mais la façade était parfaite et j’ai simplement fait confiance à des gens dont le conseil est le métier.»

L’animateur s’est retrouvé ruiné et a reçu l’inévitable visite des huissiers. «Ils m’ont mis sur la paille, les économies de toute une vie, expliquait-il au Parisien. Pendant que j’étais aux Etats-Unis, ma femme recevait les hommes de loi en retenant la cafetière d’une main et la télévision de l’autre… ». Passé l’effet de surprise et le choc de tout ce qu’il a perdu, notamment une maison familiale, Benji est prêt à passer à l’attaque. Il demande six millions d’euros de dommages et intérêts aux personnes responsables de l’escroquerie. Une banque, un notaire et un promoteur sont visés dans des procédures en cours d’instruction.

Aujourd’hui, Benjamin Castadi tente de rester philosophe. «J’ai la chance d’aller bien, de travailler. Parce qu’il faut y aller, au feu, ensuite, avec tous ces problèmes-là en tête» affirme-t-il. Et peu importe son statut ou l’état de sa fortune. «Qu’on gagne 1000 ou 100 000, quand ça dévisse, la chute est la même» ajoute Benjamin Castaldi. Seule éclaircie pour lui: la suspension de la saisie de ses biens. «J’espère que tout ceci sera fini d’ici un an, un an et demi» confie l’animateur.

Crédits photos : LAURENT BENHAMOU/SIPA

The Pinkprint de Nicki Minaj sort dans les bacs la semaine prochaine. Un album très attendu qui contient un duo avec Beyoncé, Feeling Myself, déjà disponible sur la toile.

Un beau renvoi d’ascenseur. En octobre dernier, Beyoncé crée la surprise en dévoilant un remix de son titre ***Flawless en duo avec Nicki Minaj. Tranchant et efficace, le titre a convaincu et soulevé la foule lors du passage de la chanteuse américaine à Paris – dans le cadre d’une tournée internationale très lucrative avec son mari Jay Z. Cette fois-ci, c’est au tour de Beyoncé de venir poser sa voix sur un morceau de Nicki Minaj pour son troisième album studio The Pinkprint. Un petit exploit pour Nicki Minaj : Beyoncé, pop star la plus influente de sa génération, apparaît très rarement en featuring sur les disques d’autres artistes à l’exception de ceux de son époux.

Les deux nouvelles amies se rejoignent sur Feeling Myself, produit par Hit-Boy qui a notamment travaillé sur l’incontournable Niggas in Paris de Kanye West et Jay Z. Comme sur ***Flawless l’alchimie entre Queen Bee et celle qui s’est auto-proclamée reine du hip hop fait son effet. Sur une mélodie synthétique aïgue, son typique du rap de la côte Ouest des États-Unis, Nicki Minaj balance des paroles à la gloire de sa carrière et de son capital séduction quand Beyoncé rappelle à quel point elle a bouleversé l’industrie musicale avec la sortie surprise de son album éponyme en décembre 2013. “J’ai changé le jeu avec cette sortie digitale… J’ai arrêté le monde. Hommes ou femmes, peu importe, j’ai arrêté le monde”, scande t-elle sur le mid-tempo rythmé de lourdes basses. Avec un refrain entêtant parce que répétif, Feeling Myself s’assure une efficacité indéniable, peut-être un peu facile. Une ode au pouvoir et au succès féminins que délivre l’excentrique rappeuse du Queens, bien meilleure et plus solide que ces précédents efforts tels que le délirant et ludique Anaconda ou le fade Pills and Potions. Sortie de l’opus le 15 décembre.

Le premier voeu de Nabilla en sortant de prison fut de retrouver les siens. Un souhait réalisé et immortalisé par un cliché de famille.

Mise à jour: La photo de Nabilla publiée par son frère Tarek serait un cliché pris lors de l’anniversaire de Marie-Luce, la maman de starlette. Le jeune homme voulant célébrer la liberté retrouvée de sa sœur a donc posté cette image de leur bonheur en famille mais datant d’il y a quelques mois.

Ils ne l’ont pas abandonnée et ne le feront jamais. Nabilla a fait vivre à sa famille bien des émotions ces derniers temps, mais sa maman et son frère, entre autres, sont toujours là. Libérée jeudi après-midi de la prison de Versailles, où elle était incarcérée depuis plus d’un mois, la starlette a immédiatement retrouvé Marie-Luce et Tarek.

Le petit frère de la starlette, instigateur du mouvement Free Nabilla, a posté sur les réseaux sociaux la photo de sa soeur désormais libre . “Force à toi soeurette” signe le jeune homme sur Twitter. Sur ce simple cliché pris dans l’intimité de leur clan, Nabilla sert contre elle sa maman Marie-Luce, à qui elle donne un baiser, et le jeune Tarek, comblé de bonheur.

Si Nabilla continue d’affoler les réseaux sociaux, elle devra pour sa part s’en passer encore quelques temps. Le parquet de Nanterre, qui a accédé à sa demande de libération jeudi, lui a “interdit d’entrer en contact avec Thomas Vergara, même à travers les réseaux sociaux, et d’évoquer l’affaire dans les médias”.

Pour Nabilla, la liberté a un prix, celui du silence désormais.